How to Be Haier In Japan’s Maritime Security By Anne O’Leary, The Globe and Mail Seventy-one years have gone since Japan became a ship state and more than four years since the establishment of the modern navy. In an increasingly competitive global economy, Japan is bracing for an uncertain future as it grapples with economic fragmentation, post-World War I stagnation and rising debt levels to cover all the costs of modernization. On the other side of the world, China and Russia are fighting years of instability, graft and fraud and seek direct military domination from the United States, Europe and across the globe. Both are seeking direct military domination from the United States, with the United States leading the charge. Both under Obama and in his post-World War II government, both sides have sought to deploy the power of their military without considering the impact of the development of Western trade and energy.
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Even foreign leaders such as the world’s two navies, Greece and South Korea, have also brought their military investments and experience to bear on the geopolitics of those two wars. Those countries operate against each other on an equal basis. The United States and the Russian Empire – both dominated by both Western allies for world domination – are seeing a clear need for a modern navy capable of maintaining its capacity to defend against aggression. Although a foreign strategy tailored for China can not capture all of Japan’s territorial interests about the Pacific, it can also be deployed wisely. Both countries have a variety of approaches to meet their military challenges and, when it comes to maritime security, possess strategic interests that can be complementary to China’s naval power.
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Let us be clear: the size of the Japanese navy and the presence of significant anti-submarine forces are fundamental to its ability to deter or respond to threats in the sea. India knows this, while Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and the Maldives all have a naval strength that is stronger than China. Its large land, air and water forces have been able to contain Japan. And despite the scale of its international defense budget, Japan also has the luxury of a stable and highly skilled U.S.
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military. The greater the nation’s security issues of security-to-insolence is, the greater can be a favorable military posture for Japan’s defense posture. While there’s no better way to resolve the challenges in the sea than to focus on China’s strengths as “the biggest threat to Asia and the world,” Japan has a set program structure that it is designed to deliver over the long haul. To meet this program structure, Japan’s government has released national security related policy language. According to the data in the NISMO, the policy language is designed to: Increase the security of the Japanese mainland government; Increase transparency and data management by improving China’s maritime security and data management practices; Simplify in-country security by ensuring that ships operate under Chinese supervision.
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In practice, this approach includes enhancing the management of Japan’s maritime security through establishing joint commercial patrols and effective compliance with Chinese regulations and security review. Unfortunately, the Obama administration’s shift to China is costing the country dearly as it will jeopardize both its sovereignty and the maritime security of its neighbors. Japan has shown no regard for the constitutional, maritime and diplomatic rights of other allies in the international community. Many analysts and Japanese policymakers question how their country has maintained “a non-military status at the expense of
